Journalists and politicians are held in similarly low levels of regard by New Zealanders for very good reasons. A coup for the leadership of the National party, four months out from election against a first-term government, tells voters everything they need to know about the National party. Quantity far exceeds quality in the largest opposition caucus in New Zealand’s political history. Since 1935, there have been only two single-term governments. Labour’s 1957-60 Black Budget administration and the 1972-1975 administration which was seriously disadvantaged by the death of a popular Prime Minister.
But let’s look at the personalities involved in this coup. Todd Muller was held in higher regard when nobody knew who he was. That situation cannot last for long when you’re the leader of the National party. We now know that he was the Climate Change spokesman and worked closely with Greens co-leader James Shaw on drafting legislation which passed its third reading 119-1. The rural sector was livid at this act of betrayal; their livelihoods discarded in exchange for occupying the political centre. Now, to rub manure into the wound, National is led by the individual who did more than anyone in that party to make the Zero Carbon Act law.
The Deputy Leader is Nikki Kaye, a liberal so flaky, confused identity may have been a bigger factor than genuine support in defeating Ardern in Auckland Central. A backstory of an upper-middle-class education, appointment as Women’s vice-Chair of the Southern Young Nats before going from university to working in parliament. It is a career pathway all too common amongst MPs younger than forty with scant real-world experience.
For all his flaws as a leader, the stuttering accent, inability to engage with New Zealanders or make a mark on Ardern and Peters, Bridges never found himself in the nonsensical cluster-farce of Muller and Kaye’s first week. The ‘honeymoon’ dominated, not by stomping a firm position with the public, but a bloody red hat in his cupboard. He should have called out the media for what they are, infantile and pathetic, but did the opposite. He engaged in discussion, explaining then losing by allowing it to become a distraction. He didn’t double-down, he caved faster than Bill English in that infamous charity boxing match, promising it would stay in the box once he moved office.
The woke inquisition, having won their first scalp so quickly, turned to featherweight Nikki Kaye who brought her own silver platter for questioning the skin colour of National’s new front bench. Kaye claimed Paul Goldsmith is Maori, news to Goldsmith himself. A great-great-great grandfather playboy who may have enjoyed enough success with local wahine for indigenous ancestry to be within the realms of possibility isn’t the sort of family tale a brand new frontbench should be distracted by.
Meanwhile, the economic environment resembles a thin crust Hawaiian pizza without pineapple. Labour’s budget, a list of dollar figures sprayed at sectors facing financial annihilation. Destroyed by the very Government promising to save them. The Government that constructed just a few hundred Kiwibuild houses, tripled the waiting list for social housing and has made zero impact on child poverty figures, expects you to believe their recovery plan will save the economy they destroyed.
The number of Labour’s achievements can be counted on one hand. Shutting down charter schools, shutting down New Zealand, shutting down the borders – although the latter took a few attempts.
We need to get Kiwis working. We need to get them working immediately. COVID-19 is closer to being eliminated than Mycoplasma bovis, and every day the Government doesn’t lower the virus alert level to 1, thousands more New Zealanders lose their jobs.
Muller is responsible for allowing the news cycle to be dominated by a red hat instead of front-footing the economic recovery. When Nikki Kaye was questioned over the skin colour of National’s front bench she could have done worse than telling the journalist to bugger off. That would have given the falling National membership a glimmer of hope, instead of placing their heads in their hands while speculation over colonial bed-hopping drowned out economic catastrophe.
The previous week has confirmed every prediction I made about the economic recovery plans of the parliamentary parties. After Labour’s Spray and Walkaway becomes Wet and Forget, unemployed New Zealanders will outnumber COVID-19 infections faster than the media forgot global warming.
Muller’s stumbling bumbling first interview with John Campbell revealed National’s recovery plan is simply stating, “National has a plan”. Muller may only have had a week in the job, but his party has been repeating “we have a plan” ever since New Zealand went into lockdown.
Act released its economic recovery plan before Labour’s budget, with costings for multiple scenarios, showing we can return to surplus by 2023. Borrowing is replaced by GST and income tax cuts targeted directly at low-income New Zealanders. Act’s plan immediately wipes corporate, middle-class and dependency welfare to fund a market recovery instead of borrowing a central-planning dud. Act slashes regulations that stagnate the employment market and over-price labour, creating opportunity for those most in need to get back to work.
Stupid debates about hat and skin colour can be left to the politicians. Act will focus on getting Kiwis working!
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